The first shipment of ammunition arrived at the depot on November 4, 1942, and Goldie Lovell, the first female truck driver hired, drove it to the storage area. With this, the real work of the depot began, and the permanent employees who had brought their families to the area began to fulfill the tasks they hoped would help end the war.

For these people, the next few years would bring a new way of life: the worries of war and the responsibilities of their work combined with life in a strange place among people they had not known only months before. The people quickly discovered a need to develop a community as a way of dealing with these pressures and making life more pleasant, with some semblance of normality. In the process, they developed strong bonds, which they recalled fondly years after the Black Hills Ordnance Depot had passed into history.

One of the factors that helped develop this feeling of unity was their common commitment to the war effort. As Laura Hendrix, an employee during the war years remembered, "We really got tired, but we were still out there pushing because we knew that the other guys were over there in worse shape than we were, and we wanted to get them home" (Interview with Laura Hendrix by Marshall Truax, September 12, 1983.) That sense of contribution and necessity made each person feel a part of a larger effort. Another factor in their kinship was danger. Employees dealt on a daily basis with explosive materials, and the realization that an accident resulting in tragedy could happen at any time drew them together. Still another reason for the closeness they developed was their isolation. They lived in close quarters with others who were involved in the same work, and who had the same concerns and responsibilities. They worked together, played together, and conducted their business together. As businesses, medical facilities, and the school developed on the depot grounds, residents could find all the necessities of life right there, without going outside of depot society. If they did go off the depot, they sensed their separateness from people in surrounding communities. As government employees, they were set apart from those involved in private ventures. All these things contributed to the phenomenon that turned hundreds of individuals of different financial and educational status, from different geographic backgrounds and different walks of life into one closely knit, self-sufficient community. One woman said of her experience there, "I cried when we arrived ... and I cried when we left." (Interview with Matilda Johnle by Marie Truax, spring, 1984.) Her remark sums up the experiences of many others; while numerous aspects of life at the depot were difficult to cope with, somehow the residents managed to make the best of their situation, and even to turn it into a positive experience.

One of the factors in depot life that caused new employees to lose heart upon their arrival was the locale. Many people came to the Black Hills Ordnance Depot from more populated areas; many had never lived in the setting of the open plains. Some of these people despaired upon their first look at the empty, desolate space in which they were to spend a portion of their lives. Relatively flat and essentially treeless, the area was hot, windy, and dusty in summer and cold, windy, and icy in winter. Residents often found travel difficult, particularly when spring and fall rains produced the mud. This mud, which had delayed the construction of the depot, also plagued those who lived there. Archer Gilfillan once wrote, "When it rains in Provo people pack around enough mud to make them taxable property."(Hot Springs Weekly Star, June 13, 1943.) Another commentator on the mud wrote this poem:

Despite the lonely landscape and the vicissitudes of the weather, many residents came to appreciate the special beauties and attractions of the place. Previous urban dwellers learned to love the wide, clear sky and wildflowers like the gumbo lily. The cry of the coyote and the intricate song of the mockingbird dispelled the silence of the plains. The sights of running antelope and soaring eagles, things many people on earth would never see, compensated for some of the hardships. Those people who took time to explore the area found many interesting features. Trotter's Hill, near the depot, was geologically interesting, and Red Canyon, close to Edgemont, contained prehistoric pictographs. A prehistoric flint quarry, Flint Hill, was only twenty miles away. In addition, surrounding canyons held remains of historic Indian encampments and many ledges in the area contained marine fossils. Touring these unique places offered depot employees relaxation and new interests.

The earliest housing on the depot included commissioned officers' housing as well as " Terteltown, USA, " temporary buildings constructed by the major contractor for construction workers and later used as employee housing. The housing project approved and built in 1943 provided reasonably priced living quarters for workers and their families. The project included men's and women's dormitories, apartment buildings containing two-room apartments, and family housing built as singles, duplexes, and multiple units. Family units contained running water and bathrooms; dormitory and apartment dwellers shared baths. Residents received carpentry, plumbing, and electrical repair service as well as garbage collection and fuel delivery. Those who wished to landscape their yards were given grass and flower seed and fertilizer. Persons who did not have their own furniture could rent the necessities. Housing costs were based on salaries. In 1946, for instance, dorm rooms rented for fifteen dollars for a single room, or ten dollars per person for a double. Apartments rented for ten dollars to twenty-three dollars a month, and house rents ranged from five dollars to sixty-seven dollars.

By 1944, 550 families made their homes on the depot grounds. The proximity of the housing and its similar nature added to the feeling of cohesiveness. While the housing was not elaborate, it served families' needs; in view of the housing shortage, people were pleased to have access to low-cost quarters convenient to their work. Delbert and Julia Harbaugh moved from Rapid City to the depot in 1943, when three-bedroom units became available to accommodate their family of six. They considered the apartment quite comfortable, although the walls were very thin. Even that feature, however, could be considered an advantage: "one nail, driven through the wall, would serve for picture hanging in both apartments!" (Julia Harbaugh, unpublished manuscript, n.d.)

The completion of the housing project brought more families onto the depot and increased the number of children attending school. The six-room school building was constructed on depot grounds in the summer of 1943 by the Public Works Administration and leased to the Provo School District. The district also applied to the federal government for funds to operate the school and held an election in which voters approved plans for a new high school. The funding for operating expenses, however, was delayed. By the end of August, Miss Ward, now superintendent, had located teachers and ordered supplies and books; but, without money, no final arrangements could be made. Finally, after returning from a conference with Winston Churchill, President Franklin Roosevelt signed papers which freed funds for the school's purposes.

The 1943 school year began in a variety of facilities. The six-room building, designed as a grade school, was used to house the high school. Seventy students and six teachers, including Miss Ward, used the building. Grade school students numbering 261 attended classes at the school in Provo, in three old Civilian Conservation Corps barracks on the depot, and in a part of the new building not used by the high school students. The grade school staff included eight teachers.

In 1944 the new high school, named Provo High School, was built on the grounds of the depot. The building cost $152,000, and it's completion meant the creation of adequate facilities for both high school and grade school students. The new building included a library and recreation room. The 1944-45 school year saw an enrollment of 82 high school students and 419 elementary pupils. Seven additional teachers were hired, and the school continued to use additional buildings, including the facilities in the town of Provo. Children were bussed between the two locations.

The development of the school was similar to the development of the community. The students were from widely varied locations and, for the most part, strangers to each other. In addition, they had to cope with inadequate facilities, unusual schedules, and hastily gathered books and equipment during the first years. Pupil turnover was high, and teachers carried heavy workloads. With the construction of the new high school, conditions began to normalize. Students formed such organizations as the Pep Club, and Declamation Club; boys' basketball squads enjoyed athletic success. Sports teams accumulated more than one hundred trophies during Provo High's existence. The team name was the Rattlers and the emblem was a coiled rattlesnake, reflecting the preponderance of those reptiles in the area. After the first few years the school, in spite of its unorthodox beginnings, resembled that of any community.

The students enjoyed their educational experiences as well as the social aspects of growing up on a military reservation. Despite the pressures of war and the fact that they had been uprooted to live near their parents' place of work, most of them retained pleasant memories of their experiences. Donna Harbaugh Parks moved to the depot in 1943, at the age of twelve, and lived there for five years. In her opinion, education and social life were exemplary:

High school subjects were basic with no 'frills' such as band or art, but we did have two years of Latin and lots of extra-curricular activities that kept teachers and students busy, often til suppertime. Due to the small number of students enrolled, they offered a niche to anyone who wanted one. Having Adelaide Ward for a superintendent was a singular experience. We all became her family and remained so until her death in 1983. I suspect the high level of college enrollments of Provo High School graduates was a result of her high expectations for us.... Besides school and church activities, there was that fantastic social blender, the community building. We called it the 'Rec.' It included two basketball floors ... a game room with pool tables, ping pong, and a juke box with space for dancing, a library, and a lounge for reading or meeting someone.... Scout troops could meet there and there was a complete darkroom where Mr. Peck taught members of the photography club to develop, and even enlarge, photos while keeping us in stitches. Mrs. Baier chaperoned parties for the 'Sagebrush Canteen' club. On Monday nights, the author, Archer Gilfillan, ran a bingo game for kids. It was free and you might win a deck of cards or a bottle of Blue Waltz perfume. I can still hear his low growl reading off the numbers.... As for this being a good place to raise teenagers, we still managed to get into plenty of trouble, but, unlike a regular town, ours had guards and a gate to check out of and back in A favorite game at night was to play hide and seek with the spotlights of the patrolling guards. We had no motorcycles, just bikes, and only two jalopies that sat, disabled, more than they ran. Remember, this was the forties. So, most of the time, our folks knew where we were. (Donna H. Parks, unpublished manuscript, n.d.)

Another Provo High alumnus, Dave Bauer, came to the depot with his parents in 1942 and graduated from Provo High School in 1959. He, too, remembered freedom in spite of unusual restrictions, and a feeling of togetherness despite unusual differences:

We had such a great growing-up experience at Igloo. We had freedom to do so much. People say, "How could you stand to live in a town with fence around it?" We were fortunate, really, as we had the facilities of government service base; but yet the police were more our friends than cops. So-we had room to grow under a unique environment.

Prejudice was extremely low at Igloo. I've never understood extreme prejudice against minorities because I grew up with Indian and Mexican kids who were equals to me and vice versa. Some of my best friends were Indian kids. I guess that we were all more or less equal in economic status really helped. The one thing that really sticks in my memories of our town is the great feeling of togetherness that existed there.

To throw together 1500-2000 people from all walks of life-ethnic, cultural, economic-had to be an experiment that couldn't be duplicated. A special feeling of uniqueness and camaraderie existed throughout all my memories of Igloo. (Dave Bauer to Marshall Truax, August 6, 1984.)

This feeling of camaraderie extended to the adult population and was strengthened by social and cultural activities as wen as residents' attempts to improve their community. In 1943, several people took steps to form a social group which would organize into a Rotary or similar club. However, Colonel H. W. Keith, the Commanding Officer, suggested that the group organize into a civic association to provide community services. Accordingly, the Black Hills Ordnance Depot Civic Association-later renamed the Black Hills Ordnance Depot Employee Welfare Association was born. The association managed and operated civilian community activities, including the community building which served as a gathering place for young and old. The group supervised children's playgrounds and organized many activities for various age groups and interests. In August, 1944, using federal funds, the association opened the Child-Care Center, for preschool children of working mothers. Here, these children were watched over and cared for until their mothers' shifts ended. The organization also initiated a group theatre and a band, providing an outlet for employees with performing talents. The Employee Welfare Association illustrates the close bond between the employees at the Black Hills Ordnance Depot and the development of the social structure in which they lived.

A number of publications developed to inform residents of news and activities on the depot and to comment on life there. The first of these was the Black Hills News, a weekly which was published by the Hot Springs Star each Thursday from July until September, 1942. The Black Hills News contained stories on the development of the depot as well as ads from various businesses directed at depot workers. A mimeographed magazine, the Provo Peeper, began circulating in July, 1942, and appeared until October, when Special Services assumed responsibility and renamed it the Igloo Magazine. Archer Gilfillan and Mary Robinson were early editors of the periodical, which was forced to suspend publication in the summer of 1943 due to a government order to conserve paper and manpower. However, the Employee Welfare Association revived the magazine in 1944. The BHODian, a single publication which contained a wealth of information about the facility and life there, was published in 1945. In addition to these special papers and magazines, area newspapers carried items about the depot and social events there. In these ways, employees and their families learned of activities and events and kept in touch with each others' lives.

Just as social and cultural activities were important to them, so were religious observances. Because government regulations prohibited construction of private churches on military reservations, residents were required to use existing buildings for church services. The first of these were held on August 4, 1942, in the depot library, conducted by the Rt. Rev. W. Blair Roberts, Episcopal, Bishop of South Dakota. Within a short time, residents could attend regular church services in the theatre. Clergy of varying denominations officiated, giving most of the residents an opportunity to worship at least occasionally in the religion of their choice. A group of residents organized the Ordnance Interdenominational Church and acquired a minister, H. A. Tiffany. The American Sunday School Union formed an interdenominational Sunday School. Another group, the Victor Bible Band, met on Sunday mornings for Bible study which they believed would relieve the pressures of war work by confirming the necessity for their duties at the depot. For the depot's first Easter sunrise service in 1943 residents placed a large white cross on the crest of Rushmore Road, and the Commanding Officer ordered the cross to remain in that location permanently. Eventually government restrictions loosened, and officials received permission to erect a church building on the grounds in 1945. They purchased a frame structure located in Colorado and moved it to the depot where the various denominations scheduled separate hours for its use. The church, 90 feet long and 27 feet wide, seated 329 people. As they did with other aspects of their lives, depot residents created a religious structure to serve their needs without the necessity of leaving their community.

Businesses also developed on the depot, which meant that workers and their families could obtain most necessities of life on the spot, without making frequent trips to Hot Springs, Edgemont, or Provo. Business people received permission from federal officials to operate concessions on the grounds, and many proprietors and employees established residency there. Earl Crum, Clarence Purdue, William Schoomaker, and Herbert Fowlers established a general store which became a mainstay of the population, supplying a variety of needs. Other businesses included a restaurant, dry cleaning shop, shoe repair service, barber shop, and beauty parlor. A bowling alley and a theatre provided recreation and a filling station serviced cars. Each business added to the self-sufficiency of the community and lessened the need for residents to obtain goods and services in other towns.

The community enjoyed benefits of services designed primarily to protect the work of the Black Hills Ordnance Depot. One of these services was provided by the fire department. Fire, of course, was a constant danger in a facility containing tons of explosives. In addition, readily available fire prevention and protection was needed during the construction period because the muddy roads made travel nearly impossible; therefore, departments from surrounding communities could offer little assistance in case of an emergency. Thus, the fire department was organized on April 1, 1942, and began operations with a pickup full of fire-fighting material and a temporary fire truck. Fireman placed barrels of water near buildings under construction and conducted continuous, around the clock inspections. Regular equipment arrived in the fall; by that time, roads were surfaced and water systems intact, thus increasing the fire-fighting capabilities of the department. Until 1945, the firefighters had only a thousand-gallon pumper and a pickup with water tank and pump to extinguish blazes. In that year, the department received two more trucks, two thousand-gallon tankers, an ambulance, and other equipment. While the department stood ready to fight fires, its main objective was prevention. A fire inspector checked buildings and facilities at closing time to guard against fire hazards. Firemen stressed prevention to employees at all times, and an annual Fire Prevention Week emphasized safety measures and instructed employees and supervisors in methods to avoid fires.

Another important service was provided by the Security Guards. Established in 1942, the Guard force reached two hundred men under the leadership of Joe Marsh, a former Custer, South Dakota, police chief. The guards manned the two main gates as well as keeping the entire area under surveillance. Security at the facility was tight; employees received an identification badge with a picture and number on it, which they wore when entering or leaving the depot. Visitors to the area had to be cleared by the guards at one of the gates. News stories and pictures of the area were subject to security restrictions. Certain employees of the depot were requested to report any suspicious activities or conversations they witnessed. While the primary purpose of the Guard force was to protect the security and safety of the work going on at the depot, the residents of the housing area benefited from the physical security provided by their presence.

All of these aspects of life at the Black Hills Ordnance Depot families, social, and cultural events, businesses, fire protection, security -centered around the work conducted there. The employees of the depot, the so-called "Soldiers of Supply," were the heartbeat of the facility. The job they did was the reason for the depot's existence, and their duties set the tone and pace of the entire community. The depot served as a kind of warehouse, with employees unloading and storing shipments of guns, ammunition, equipment, and parts. Workers inspected and tested the ordnance, unpacked, repacked, and inventoried ammunition, and disposed of any ammunition deemed unsafe or obsolete. Toxic ammunition was stored in igloos; open sites between the igloos and the twelve standard magazines provided additional storage. These storage areas were patrolled by guards and restricted by a fence and security lighting system. Guards checked incoming employees to make sure they had no matches, lighters, or other devices that could prove dangerous among the highly explosive material. Small arms ammunition components were stored in warehouses and outside areas in the combat material area. When troops overseas needed particular supplies, they were shipped out.

Activity reached overwhelming levels at times. Early in 1944, for instance, fifty Edgemont businessmen responded to an emergency call for help and spent three days helping to load rush orders. The shipping and receiving activity peaked early in 1945, when 3,184 carloads of ordnance were handled within a three month period. The workload was heavy and the pressures immense. Twelve-hour shifts were common and disrupted personal and family life. Laura Hendrix worked at checking and inventorying shipments while her husband was an employee in the railroad yards; both worked long shifts at different times of the day. "My husband and I lived in the same house and slept in the same bed and didn't see each other for weeks and weeks," she recalled. (Interview with Laura Hendrix by Marshall Truax, September 12, 1983.)

A wide variety of people worked at the depot. High school teachers came there during the summers; the elderly and the handicapped, usually jobless, found work at the facility. Many Indian people left their reservation homes and came to work at the Black Hills Ordnance Depot through a desire to provide a living for their families and to further the war effort, despite the possibility of prejudice and discrimination which they often suffered when they went among non-Indian people. (See Appendix 1). By the spring of 1945, about 160 Native Americans were working as clerks, stenographers, truck drivers, bus drivers, electrical operators, janitors, and ammunition handlers. Many of the Indian people remained at the depot for long careers. Daniel Van Goodman, for instance, was a Chippewa-Ottawa who worked as a guard. During his years there, he served as commander of the VFW post, managed a junior baseball team, and worked as a scoutmaster. His sons attended Provo High School, where they were top athletes.

Women comprised another special, group of employees. The Ordnance Department recruited large numbers of women nationally due to the manpower shortage. By the spring of 1945, 46.6% of the civilian employees of the department were women doing traditionally male jobs. This situation was reflected at the Black Hills Ordnance Depot, where women worked not only as clerks and stenographers, but also as munition handlers, truckers, and other positions normally held by men. Clara Jackman wrote a poem honoring the female truck drivers at the depot which read, in part:

The shortage of manpower continually plagued officials at the depot, and they advertised jobs and recruited available personnel whenever possible. The lack of people to handle the workload was alleviated somewhat by the presence of about four hundred Italian prisoners of war. The Italians arrived at the depot late in 1943. Their activities were restricted until the following summer, when the United States, Russia, and Great Britain accepted Italy as an ally in the fight against Germany. Consequently, Italian prisoners volunteered for jobs in the war program and became "Italian Service Units." Across the nation, 184 such units worked at sixty locations. They received monthly wages as well as freedom in the form of supervised recreation, tours, and activities not available to regular POWs. Those Italians who showed pro-Nazi or pro-Fascist leanings were not included in the service units, but returned to regular POW camps.

The Italians helped ease the labor shortage at the depot, and the Commanding Officer characterized them as cheerful, friendly, and hard-working. Many employees later recalled them fondly as courteous, optimistic men who helped relieve the work load. However, their presence did create some controversy. Because of their status as Allied soldiers, they were not guarded; they had fun privileges on the depot, including the right to attend church services and the theatre. The Fall River County Red Cross donated $250 to assist in developing a recreation center for them, and the Commanding Officer arranged bus tours through the Black Hills. These outings, particularly, raised complaints by some local residents and a number of men in the Armed Forces who believed the Italians were receiving too many benefits. Consequently, the tours were stopped. Another problem arose as a result of the federal government's policy of issuing U.S. uniforms to the prisoners. The uniforms were changed slightly to reflect their special status. However, one Hot Springs soldier, recently returned from battle, was moved to tears at the sight of his former enemies in the uniforms of his peers, many of whom had died in battle. As a result of this incident, Francis Case formally requested that the former POWs be issued uniforms easily distinguishable from those worn by regular servicemen. Although these problems complicated relations between the Italians and the area residents, their contributions as workers cannot be discounted.

The years encompassing World War 11 were the most important in the history of the Black Hills Ordnance Depot. In a brief period of time, the area went from an isolated, economically depressed region to a bustling place with a severe housing shortage and more jobs available than people to take them. Surrounding towns grew in size and sophistication as well as in wealth. Retail sales figures for the decade of the forties indicate that sales increased dramatically in Fall River County during the construction period, fell slightly after construction, then increased gradually in the ensuing years. Statistics collected in 1942 revealed that Fall River County's sales tax income had increased by 194% over the 1941 totals! The next largest increase in South Dakota was attained by Rapid City - a mere 23.78%.

The county's economic health improved dramatically as a result of the Black Hills Ordnance Depot; just as dramatic was the development of a complete community within a few short years. The establishment of this community was due basically to the decision to construct family housing on the grounds, a decision based upon the lack of suitable, convenient housing in the area.

Once the federal government provided a place for the workers and their families to live, they were also obligated to provide certain services to those people, particularly educational and medical facilities. The presence of the population also led to the establishment of businesses to serve them. In this sense, the development of the community was a direct outgrowth of federal action.

In another sense, however, that development came not from the government, but from the people themselves. A community, after all, is not simply a group of people who live in a particular place; it is a spirit of togetherness, a sense of belonging, and a willingness to work together for the benefit of everyone involved. The people on the Black Hills Ordnance Depot, despite the tension of the war and the demands of their work, created these things in their community. Through their efforts, recreational programs, religious services, the educational system, and supportive services such as the Child-Care Center developed to meet their needs. By 1944, the community even had a name. Until that year, Provo served as the mailing address for the depot. After the Postal Department approved the establishment of a post office at the facility, it was necessary to choose a name to be used as a mailing address. The Black Hills Ordnance Depot Civic Association sponsored a contest to choose the name, with a twenty-five dollar war bond the prize for the winning entry. Contestants entered such colorful names as Cactus Center, Vigorville, Strongheart, and Shell City. The winning name, submitted by fourteen-year old Donald Kolkman, was Igloo, inspired by the igloo shaped ammunition depositories built at the site. This name, given to the post office, came to represent the entire community at the depot. By the summer of 1945, 4,200 people, including 525 U.S. soldiers, lived there.

The end of an era arrived on August 14, 1945, when the Japanese surrendered, bringing World War II to a close. Whistles blew and celebrants crowded the streets and nightspots of Edgemont that evening. Employees of the depot received two days off to mark the occasion. For three years, Black Hills Ordnance Depot workers had directed their time, energy, and hopes toward helping to end the war. Now their dreams were realized. But their relief at the conflict's culmination was tempered by concern for the future. They wondered about the destiny of the depot, and their own jobs. Many had found stability and security there after the difficulties of the thirties, and they feared they were about to encounter those difficulties once more. The Commanding Officer reassured them, saying that the function of the depot would not end with the war, and that any employee reduction could be conducted through attrition. Archer Gilfillan pointed out that workers were busy laying sidewalks throughout the depot in an effort to overcome the frustrating "Provo Mud." The government would not expend such effort and expense, he stated, in a place destined for abandonment.

Such reassurances helped depot people make the transition from war to peace. While many employees left the area as war work ended, others stayed for many years, and new workers arrived. The pressures eased, but the function of the Black Hills Ordnance Depot continued.